The constitutional reform of 2001 yielded results below expectations and has led to the decline of regional leaders in many Italian regions, often involved in scandals. Some political parties are calling for the overthrow of the regional system in favor of a centralized state, including Beppe Grillo’s 5-Star Movement (25.5% of the vote in 2013), as well as some parts of the center-right and center-left parties. However, no strong alternative to the regional system is specifically foreseen. The media and citizens also have a negative attitude towards the centralization of resources and decision-making at the central level, marked by serious scandals that have recurred since Italian unification and are increasingly making headlines. The current institutional reform sees a clash between two models that emerged from the debate over past reforms: one centralist and the other faithful to the decentralization process that began in the postwar era. Two tendencies coexist in the new proposal: on the one hand, in favor of a Senate of Regions, and on the other hand, with the exhaustion of regional powers, although they were never actually transferred to ordinary regions. The regions of special statute are concerned about the new reforms, although the constitutional method of bilateral agreement with the state still protects them from the new centralism.
The process of reforming public finances and political stability emerged in a very dramatic environment, leading to the resignation of President Berlusconi on November 12, 2011, the resignation of Mario Monti’s cabinet, and the political elections on February 24 and 25, 2013. Three months later, the draft was ready. While the Parliament was still searching for a majority and a new government, which would not be born until April 24 with Enrico Letta, on March 30, 2013, President of the Republic Giorgio Napolitano appointed a group of experts (the “Wise Men”) to make proposals for reforms. On June 11, the Senate began discussing the draft constitutional law submitted by the government. However, the text was approved in the first reading by the Senate on August 8, 2014, a few months after Matteo Renzi’s government took office. It is now being considered by the Chamber of Deputies. Despite a brief start in 2013, the debate has diminished, making room for other pressing issues regarding public accounts and other structural reforms. However, the political reform process has been weakening recently. The opposition and some members of the majority do not want to abolish the “equal bicameralism”. They also oppose the Senate, which is not directly elected and has a regional brand on the call.
The constitutional bill changes the functioning of institutions (legislative procedure, quorum for the election of the President of the Republic, referendum) and streamlines it (provinces and the National Council of Economy and Labor are abolished). The most important changes relate to the distribution of legislative powers between the state and the regions, as well as the transformation of the Senate into a territorial chamber with less power. The Chamber of Deputies will have the primary relationship with the government (vote of confidence), political direction and control, and most of the national legislative decision-making. The Senate will be indirectly elected, with 95 members elected by regional councils from among their members and the mayors of the region, and five senators appointed by the president of the republic for 7 years.
The political forces agree to revise the legislative powers distributed between the state and the regular regions, eliminating the category of joint powers mainly transferred to the state (e.g., transportation networks) and giving it new powers, such as coordination of public finance and taxation, standardization of labor rules in the public sector and social security. Regular and special regions will continue to participate in the upstream and downstream phases of the EU decision-making process.
The constitutional reform finally introduces a “supremacy clause” that confirms and strengthens the government’s ability to act in the area of regional powers to preserve the legal or economic unity of the Republic or the national interest. The parliamentary debate confirmed that the special statute regions would retain their differentiated autonomy through Article 116 of the Constitution. However, the special charters of the five regions and two autonomous provinces will be updated in accordance with the reform based on bilateral agreements between each of them and the state.